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Annual Review of Anthropology , Language and identity. In: Duranti, A. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. Translingual practice. Global englishes and cosmopolitan relations.

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Modern Language Journal , 89 4 : Bilingual education in the 21st century. A global perspective. New York: Wiley-Blackwell. Language and society. A critical poststructuralist perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. HALL, S. In: Restrepo, E. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, pp. Bilingualism as ideology and practice. In: Heller, M. New York: Palgrave, pp. Paths to post-nationalism: A critical ethnography of language and identity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. HILL, J.

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Language in Society Language and Communication , Language ideology and linguistic differentiation. In: Kroskrity, P. Ideologies, polities and identities. Discourses of writing and learning to write. Language and Education , 18 3 , Transidiomatic practices: language and power in the age of globalization. Discourses of endangerment: Contexts and consequences of essentializing discourses.

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Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Polylanguaging in Superdiversity. Diversities , 13 2 : Indigenous youth as language policy makers. Journal of Language, Identity and Education , 8: Disinventing and reconstituting languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Researching Multilingualism.

Critical and Ethnographic Perspectives. London: Routledge. New speakers of minority languages: The challenging opportunity. International Journal of the Sociology of Language : Clarifying Translanguaging and Decontructing Named Languages. A Perspective from Linguistics.

Applied Linguistics Review , 6 3 : Negotiation of identities in multilingual contexts. Critical applied linguistics: A critical introduction. New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum. Language as a Local Practice. International Journal of Applied Linguistics , 21 1 : The cause: a new federal policy allowing indiscriminate slash and burn practices in order to increase extractive and extensive agriculture and cattle ranching activities [ 40 ].

The fire affected individual and collective land We now turn our attention to the extensive tracts of Bolivian forest lands that—officially or unofficially—lie within the jurisdiction of indigenous peoples and, possibly, their IKS. The objectives of the TCO were to confer collective jurisdictional rights to indigenous peoples and communities, and with that, to seek the improvement of forests and other natural resource governance [ 36 , 42 , 43 ]. Despite the name-change, the chief characteristics remained intact [ 42 , 43 , 44 ] although TIOCs allowed the registration of non-indigenous farmer groups within this category, whereas TCOs did not [ 41 , 42 , 43 ].

Although the Bolivian Amazon has historically been an isolated and forgotten landscape with high levels of poverty, this is an ecosystem of great environmental and cultural value [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 ]. Of this, 55 TIOCs accounting for , inhabitants are situated within the Bolivian lowlands [ 45 ], and this includes territories within the Bolivian Amazon approximately , km 2. In Bolivia, land under collective management, such as the formally recognized or titled TIOCs are consolidated collective territories.

These deforestation reductions can be considered as a national environmental benefit, reducing the annual greenhouse gas emissions by more than 8 million tons [ 9 , 11 ]. Nevertheless, despite their high value, TIOCs located in the Bolivian Amazon continue to confront challenges on the control of their territory, and there is an increasing number of threats and external pressure that threaten its physical integrity [ 46 ]. Despite the existing literature on deforestation rates in the Bolivian Amazon, there is only limited work addressing the vulnerability that indigenous people managed TIOCs are facing due to new development patterns and land use change, and as mentioned before, this knowledge gap is the focus of our paper.

We understand these TIOCs to be, from an indigenous viewpoint, highly intricate and fragile inhabited landscapes of homes, farms, and communities tightly woven into, and in-balance with, natural systems and processes. In this paper, the extant communities, livelihoods, characteristics, and TIOC forest-management were determined, external land-use change to non-indigenous anthropogenic program was estimated using remote sensing data, and, finally, geographically explicit extrapolation of the deleterious land-use change was conducted until Specific and general recommendations are also discussed based on these findings.

However, this present work adds to these general mixed-method approaches in two important ways: we report an approximation of our accuracy assessment score regarding the satellite image classification, as suggested by Pontius , , and [ 48 , 49 , 50 ]; and we apply a geographical modeling prediction procedure using the GEOMOD tool, that follows the standard protocol considerations for forest change [ 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 ] and the correspondent accuracy assessment using the Relative Operating Characteristic ROC analysis [ 48 , 50 , 56 , 57 ].

Two field visits in different times of the year were undertaken to both case-study TIOCs. The first expedition showed the particular importance of the chestnut Brazil nut economy in the region. Harvested by indigenous communities of the Amazon forests, the Brazil nuts have to follow an energy and labor intensive process before they are exported to Europe [ 58 , 59 ].

The second expedition was carried out 19—21 July In this exploration, a three-hour canoe trip along the Acre River led to the indigenous communities of Puerto Yaminahua and San Miguel de Machineri from the town of Bolpebra [ 60 ]. Field data and image collection, site exploration, and personal communications with different members of the Yaminahua community, including the chief of the community, were undertaken [ 60 ], and an exploration to the community of San Miguel de Machineri was conducted after a one-hour canoe ride on the way back to Bolpebra.

Although no community members were found in San Miguel de Machineri, it could be evidenced that there are key cultural similarities and differences between the Yaminahua and the Machineri [ 60 ]. Among the similarities is that both communities are deeply dependent on their forest, since little evidence of deforestation and forest degradation was evident. Another similarity was the denudation of vernacular architecture. In many areas of the Bolivian Amazon, centralized government plans have replaced native built-fabric for mortar and brick designs, imported from the Bolivian Highlands, and completely alien to these landscapes [ 60 ].

One difference was that the Machineri, unlike the Yaminahua, have started to raise cattle and other domesticated species for food security purposes [ 60 ]. Both communities now have their own communication tower that allows cell-phone use, and have installed some solar panels in order to charge them along with other devices [ 60 ]. In order to determine deforestation rates in indigenous managed territories and other types of native-community land management, satellite multi-temporal analysis of different land cover was conducted for both TIOCs and their correspondent reference area.

A more detail description of the remote sensing procedures can be found in Section 2. GEOMOD is a versatile modeler predictor of land use change that has been used for various topics including: the assessment of ecosystem services in the Philippines [ 69 ] and China [ 70 ]; predicting urban expansion in different countries such as Iran [ 71 , 72 ], Palestine [ 73 ], and Puerto Rico [ 74 ]; deforestation projections in the Mediterranean [ 75 ], India [ 76 , 77 , 78 ], Chile [ 79 ], Mexico [ 80 ], Costa Rica [ 53 ], and Papua New Guinea [ 81 ]; and for the estimation of carbon baselines for REDD Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation projects [ 54 , 56 , 82 ] around the world, including Panama [ 83 ], Indonesia [ 51 , 84 ], Belize, Brazil, and Bolivia [ 55 ].